24 April 1998
Don't March - for Peace
As the true meaning of the new 'democratic' peace deal in Northern Ireland
becomes apparent, Brendan O'Neill examines how the peace process has demoralised
the people of Northern Ireland
Britain's Labour government is apparently on the defensive over its decision to
intervene in the publication of a crucial report by Northern Ireland's Parades
Commission. Both sides, Nationalist and Unionist, are reportedly furious that the
government apparently cavedg into pressure from the 'opposition' - i.e. each
other. The subject of who can march where and when has become more of a
flashpoint as the substantive issues of the Northern Ireland conflict have
gradually disappeared. The refusal of the prime minister to publish a document
which was widely believed to have called for a rerouting of a Loyalist parade
away from Drumcree - which has seen bitter stand-offs in the last few years - is
a sign that Tony Blair does not understand that the lasting legacy of the peace
process is to knock the fight out of Nationalists. This is more than obvious if
you reflect on the events of the last few weeks.
You could be forgiven for thinking that history was made in Northern Ireland when
the peace agreement was signed a fortnight ago. Tony Blair's new peace deal was
hailed as the most significant and historic breakthrough in Anglo-Irish politics
since Northern Ireland was partitioned in 1921. Around the world politicians and
media pundits praised Blair and his Northern Ireland secretary Mo Mowlam for
coming up with a viable solution to one of the world's oldest and most
intractable conflicts. Blair quickly moved from Ireland to the Middle East where
he has been lecturing Israelis and Palestinians on how to 'give peace a chance',
showing how his moral authority in both British politics and on the world stage
has been boosted by events in Ireland.
But everything in the new 'agreement' has been proposed, discussed and rejected
before. So how come these rehashed ideas are being hailed as 'history in the
making'? Because the people and the parties of Northern Ireland have become so
demoralised and degraded that this tedious document can now be referred to as
'historic'. As LM has argued consistently the peace process is not about having a
genuine democratic debate about the future of Northern Ireland; rather its aim is
to rob the people and the parties of their political clout, transform them into
'cultural interest groups' and force a fraudulent 'agreement' on a once
conflict-ridden country. All the process reveals is how low Irish people's sights
have sunk. Communities which once fought over important things like power,
sovereignty and democratic rights have been so demoralised by the peace process
that even this 'agreement' looks like the stuff of history.
As I explain in an article in the forthcoming LM110, the way in which 'agreement'
was forced on the political parties at Stormont shows how undemocratic the peace
process has been. Tony Blair, an army of his New Labour press officers and even
the president of the United States were called in to 'force' the participants to
sign the final agreement. Men who have fought an armed struggle for their
democratic rights have been so undermined and degraded over the past three years
that they finally agreed to bow to the demands of Blair and Clinton and sign up
to the deal.
Since the peace deal was announced New Labour's plans in relation to Ireland have
become clear. Sinn Fein's ard fheis (annual conference), which took place a week
after the peace deal was announced, was a good example of the new political
climate. One journalist described the conference as being 'as choreographed as
[the Irish set-dance group] Riverdance': there was no dissent, those who wanted
to raise awkward questions were excluded and the leadership hailed a 'new
historic era'. Even the rantings of extremists like Ian Paisley and Robert
McCartney (both of whom reject the deal) have been useful for New Labour. Their
bigoted raving only gives credence to Blair's project of building a new political
centre-ground, made up of Sinn Fein, the SDLP, a bulk of the UUP and the smaller
parties.
'Congratulations David', said Gerry Adams in his speech at the ard fheis when he
heard that David Trimble had accepted the peace deal, as if he was talking to a
member of his own party who had suddenly seen the light. The aim of New Labour's
'Agreement' is to push this process further so that all the parties in Northern
Ireland share the same agenda. This means getting rid of the nasty business of
politics and enforcing an undemocratic, anti-political settlement. Ireland, where
once people fought for democracy and equality, could soon become the model nation
for our anti-political age. The banning and rerouting of marches and the
censorship of potentially controversial reports is only the start of life in this
apolitical and sanitised statelet.
Brendan O'Neill has written an article in the forthcoming LM110 on how the peace
agreement was forced through. Available to buy in good bookshops and newsagents
from Thursday 30 April, or you can purchase a subscription online.
Join a discussion on this commentary