08 January 1998
Negative images
Andrew Calcutt relates how one academic study which found no causal link
between video violence and violent behaviour was nevertheless widely
interpreted as further evidence of human weakness
On Wednesday 7 January 1998, the Home Office Research and Statistics
Directorate published Research Findings No 65, a four-page document
entitled 'The Effects of Video Violence On Young Offenders'. Commissioned
in 1995, the research was undertaken by two forensic psychologists at the
University of Birmingham, Dr Kevin Browne and Amanda Pennell.
In August 1997, the Sunday Times pre-empted publication of the Browne
report under the headline 'Official: violent videos cause crime'. This
interpretation quickly became an 'official' fact of life, verified by the
Daily Mail ('Common sense tells you it must be so, and now academics
commissioned by the Home Office have proved it. Violent videos do cause
crime') and by the Guardian ('this most recent study has found a link
between videos and violent crime'). Browne and Pennell, meanwhile, were far
less bullish. A press release issued by the University of Birmingham at the
time of the leak stated that 'statistical and scientific analyses of these
concepts have yet to be conducted to confirm or refute this hypothesis';
and in the conclusion of their published report, Browne and Pennell find
that 'the research cannot prove whether video violence causes crime'.
The Sunday Times' scoop may have been at odds with the Browne/Pennell
findings, but it was very much in tune with the calls for tighter
censorship and restraint which have become a fixture of British public
life. (This is especially the case since the murder of toddler James Bulger
by two boys from Merseyside in 1993 - the unfortunate occurrence and the
overheated response to it were what prompted the Home Office to commission
the Birmingham research in the first place.) Back in August 1997, the
actual details of the Browne/Pennell findings were swamped by the ongoing
wave of post-Bulger panic. With the publication of the full report in
January 1998, it was harder for journalists to sidestep the text of the
research and the noticeable absence of a causal link between violent videos
and crime. However, none of the journalists, public figures or the
researchers themselves found much solace in this rebuttal of 'effects
theory' at its most crude and demeaning (people see/people do). Instead of
expressing relief that here was one spectral notion of human weakness that
had finally been laid to rest, in their various interpretations of the
factual material in the research they all emphasised some form of
inadequacy or degradation, and thus contributed to a negative image of
humanity which is as stylised and unrealistic as a Schwarzenegger film.
Browne's interviews with a small group of violent offenders seemed to
indicate that they spent more time watching videos than their non-violent
and non-offending peers, and were more likely to identify with fictional
violence perpetrated by celluloid action heroes. Browne could have
concluded from this that incarcerated youths are simply desperate to escape
the tedium of life in a young offenders' institution. Instead he sought to
locate their responses within the fashionable framework of
cycle-of-violence theories, leading him to suggest that 'both a history of
family violence and offending behaviour are necessary preconditions for
developing a significant preference for violent film action and role
models'. This in turn would suggest that the entire readership of horror
fanzines like Fangoria (aka 'Exploding Heads Monthly') is made up of
criminals from broken homes.
In discarding the superstition enshrined in crude effects theory, Browne
nevertheless adopted the ancient Biblical prejudice that the sins of the
fathers are visited upon their sons, and found a way to incorporate
postmodern action films into this pre-modern notion of everlasting
life-cycles. Moreover, while observing, correctly, that people bring their
own particular experiences to their interpretation of films, Browne
downplayed the extent to which human beings by definition also carry with
them the ability to see beyond their own immediate circumstances. Without
this ability we would not even be able to identify with characters on
screen; and it is this same innate capacity which frees us from the alleged
inevitability of acting out our parents' mistakes all over again. In
distancing himself from effects theory and attaching his findings to
cycle-of-violence theories, Browne has merely substituted one
unsubstantiated notion of human weakness for another.
Most of the commentary which followed the publication of Research Findings
No 65 was equally bleak. Under a series of photocaptions which
recapitulated the main video nasties panics of the past five years
(including the long-discredited statement from Judge Morland at the Bulger
murder trial: 'I suspect that exposure to violent video films may in part
be an explanation'), the Guardian announced a 'film violence link to
teenage crime'. The Daily Telegraph recognised that 'opinion [is] divided
over effect of video violence', but gave one Jonathan Bartley, general
secretary of the little-known Movement for Christian Democracy, plenty of
space in which to endorse cycle-of-violence theories and Browne's adherence
to them.
Home secretary Jack Straw was reported to have said that the research would
be passed on to the British Board of Film Classification (BBFC), with an
instruction to study it closely - as if the BBFC does not already exert
close control over film and videos released in Britain. Meanwhile BBFC
director James Ferman took the publication of the report as an opportunity
to declare that 'our job is to get the message across that certificates are
important. If it says 18 on the cover then children below that age should
not be watching it' - as if parents are currently too ignorant or
irresponsible to either know or care what their children are watching.
Laurie Hall, secretary general of the Video Standards Council, was also
concerned about alleged parental shortcomings. Hailing the report as a
clean bill of health for the video industry, he claimed that in relation to
youth crime, 'video is a sideshow' compared to 'parental violence'. The
British Video Association called on the government 'to consider introducing
parenting skills' (already under consideration at the Home Office), and
dedicated itself to help 'create a more media literate consumer'.
So, we may not be directly driven to violent behaviour by fictional
violence, but significant numbers of people are assumed to be inadequate
parents or illiterate consumers or unwitting components in the reproduction
of cycles of violence. The Browne report and the various comments which it
prompted all reflect a low opinion of humanity. This says more about
today's public figures and their loss of confidence in themselves than it
does about the real lives of the general public.
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